There´s no way to understand Sierra Leone without understanding (at least a little) the history of its neighbor, Liberia. Both countries have unique foundings in comparison to their neighbors in the region. Their creation as free states for former slaves originally from England and English colonies and later from the United States created internal dynamics that would define the political history of both Liberia and Sierra Leone. And while they are two distinct sovereign nations, they share tribes, cultures, languages, customs, and most recently... wars. Thus an examination of one would be hopelessly incomplete without at least the consideration of the other.
Timeline- Connecting Regional Dots.
1787
Sierra Leone was originally founded as a free state for liberated British slaves, primarily freed slaves that had fought on the side of the Crown during the American Revolution. Most of this group was previously living in Canadian New Brunswick. This freed slave community would come to create its own culture and identity, eventually they´d come to be known as Creole.
Early Sierra Leoneans made a mockery of the country´s mission when some members of the aristocracy were accused of themselves being involved in the transatlantic slave trade.
1807
Great Britain incoporated Sierra Leone into its web of colonies. However initially only the capital, Freeetown, was considered a Colony. The surrounding rural area outside Freetown was considered a Protectorate. The limiting of the Colony to the capital consolidated the power of freed slaves against the majority indigenous population living predominately in the rural areas.
1847
The Liberian coast was colonized by freed American slaves repatriated to
Africa by abolitionists and the American government- thereby creating a de-facto American colony. These freed slaves and their descendants would come to be known as Americo-Liberians, differentiating them from the indigenous Liberian population. A differentiation that would define Liberian culture as Americo-Liberians became the ruling elite while the local indigenous population was considered an inferior race. Americo-Liberians guaranteed their hold on Liberian politics with the creation of the True Whig Party- the only party in a single party Liberia from 1877-1977. And even as other African nations won their independence from colonial rule, in Liberia only landowners were allowed the right to vote.
1924
A constitution for Sierra Leone was written with the goal of bringing together the colony and protectorate into one nation. Negotiation between two main parties would determine norms of the constitution: the National Council of Sierra Leone (NCSL) and the Sierra Leone Peoples Party (SLPP).
NCSL- led by Bankole Bright, and represented the vested powers of the ruling Creole in the colony.
SLPP- led by Milton Margai, and represented the interests of the large indigenous population of the protectorate.
1931
CAST- Gold Coast (Ghana) based Consolidation African Selection Trust began exploring Sierra Leone´s diamond rich fields in the Kono district. CAST was owned by Selection Trust whose primary investor in turn was De Beers, one of the world´s largest companies and a diamond giant, with operations throughout Africa.
1935
Through negotiations between the government and the Sierra Leone Selection Trust (SLST), a subsidiary of Selection Trust, the SLST was given exclusive mining and prospecting rights to nearly 8,000 square miles for 99 years.
1951
The SLPP initiated calls for a new constitution that guaranteed indigenous rule of the entire colony. Margai named Siaka Stevens as Minister of Mines giving the young trade unionist control of the entire industry. The country was siezed by a rush on the diamond fields, and suddenly Sierra Leone was thrust into the international market. Yet on the ground a battle was erupting as the masses of illegal miners trying to survive in an SLST monopolized market, called for more mining rights.
1956
Stevens won widespread support with his Alluvial Diamond Scheme which scrapped the SLST monopoly and introduced limited open licencing options. Stevens used the support he won with the Alluvial Diamond Scheme to bolster future political ambitions.
1957
Margai won the Prime Minister´s position. Much of Margai´s hold on power came from the Crown itself. His politics were intensely conservative and pro-British, and while Margai claimed to represent the interests of the rural indigenous majority his government was controled by Creole ministers. This ruling Creole elite fought against independence as they feared it signalled the end to their hold on power.
1955-1957
As a result of his pro-British position and his disconnect with the masses, Margai faced large-scale anti-government marches in the Northern Province. There was a general rejection of the SLPP´s monopolistic hold on government.
1961
Sierra Leone won its independence from British control. Shortly before independence Siaka Stevens would break from Margai and the SLPP to form the
All Peoples Congress. The APC exploited the disconnect between Margai´s supposedly pro-indigenous SLPP and the reality of Creole party control.
1964
Margai died and was subsequently replaced by his brother Albert. The Margais were accused of tribal politics, preferencing their own tribe the Mende. These accusations would scare Margai into attempting to install a one party SLPP state.
1967- March.
In elections Margai lost only to be reinstated by Brigadier David Lansana and the army. Stevens was arrested and sent to prison. Lansana created the National Reformation Council (NRC).
1968- April.
Lansana´s NRC government was overthrown by rank and file soldiers and the Anti-Corruption Revolutionary Council (ACRC) took power. Shortly thereafter Stevens was returned to the head of government. Lansana was captured and executed. The Anti Corruption Revolutionary Council was an attempt at a coalition government between the APC and SLPP. But after fraudalent elections the APC again grabbed hold of government with its majority presence in parlaiment.
1971
Stevens enacted a republican constitution, but named himself the republic´s executive president.
-Stevens effectively nationalized the SLST by buying out the company and creating the National Diamond Mining Company (NDMC) to control the industry. The country´s economy had slipped into an almost entirely criminal existence.
1973
As Stevens starved the army of economic resources he created more and more enemies within the military and thus he became more and more paranoid. Stevens created a shadow military force primarily concerned with his own security and the security of his interests. The Internal Security Unit (ISU) or later known as the Special Security Division (SSD) was created with assistance from Cuban consultants. Stevens put Joseph Momoh in charge of the new force.
1978
Parlaiment passes a bill pushed by Stevens making Sierra Leone a one party state. The new bill outlaws the SLPP and any other party for that matter.
Siaka Stevens ruled through a system of patronage, where while he enriched himself and those around him the country deteriorated. Just as Stevens had used the diamond mines get power he used them to bolster this system of patronage. Previously Stevens had openly supported exploitation of the SLST and illegal mining efforts. Lebanese merchants controlled much of the illegal mining in Sierra Leone, as is evidenced by Stevens naming Jamil Sahid Mohammed as the country´s diamond tsar. The continued rush on the diamond fields stirred international interest. Eventually the World Bank would encourage Sierra Leone to dismantle it´s national rail system, thereby giving up its agricultural production in favor of a single export economy where diamonds and minerals trumped all. The dismantling of the rail system further distanced Steven´s rule from the rural masses.
1960-70 -Liberia´s Golden Years.
Firestone Tire and Rubber, an American tire manufacturar, leased out massive parcels of terrain from the Liberian government. The leases were longterm with incredibly low rates, giving carte blanche to Firestone´s exploitation of Liberia´s rubber tree resources.
-discoveries of iron in the Bomi highlands brang on a rush of mining by Liberia´s own Liberia Iron Mining Company.
-with low safety standards Liberia became one of the world´s most preferred locations for registering maritime vessels, making ´ghost ship´registration one of the country´s biggest industries.
1970-80 -Beginning of the end.
A mix of bad droughts and evergrowing corruption began to bring down one African government after another. In Liberia the rising economic disparity between the ruling Americo-Liberian elite and the impoverished indigenous masses boiled over into large street demonstrations. The True Whig Party´s hegemonic hold on power began to appear threatened.
Sergeant Samuel Doe led a coup ending in the capture and subsequent assassination of then president William Tolbert, the last True Whig Party´ member to rule Liberia. Doe a member of the Krahn tribe from south/eastern Liberia, created the Peoples Redemption Council (PRC) to rule the country. The PRC was made up largely by disaffected military, whose primary complaint against the Tolbert government were the poor living conditions for Liberian soldiers. Samuel Doe believed himself to be protected by supernatural powers that made him impervious to enemy attacks. He favoured witch doctors and traditional Krahn healers to political advisers and thus through a system of tribal patronage, Doe bolstered the Krahn hold on government.
-The American government used Doe as a proxy to counter other strong personalities on the continent- Gaddafi etc- supported by the Soviet Union. On the ground Liberia was a transmission point for broadcasts of Voice of America. The OMEGA maritime communication system was stationed in Liberia, giving the United States control of shipping along the entire West African seaboard. And finally Robertsfield Airbase was incorporated into the network of US airforce positions.
1982.
Liberia received 80 million dollars in aid after a Doe visit to the Whitehouse.
1984
After mounting international pressure Doe temporarily lifted a ban on political
activity only to reinstate a de-facto ban with Decree 88ª.
Decree 88ª- outlawed all political dissent- so draconian was the decree that even Reagan was forced to threaten Doe with a hold on American aid if the political repression was not reduced significantly.
1985 -November, 12.
Thomas Quiwonkpa, a member of Doe´s government, attempted a coup by leading a small force from neighboring Sierra Leone. Krahn warriors defended Doe, defeating the coup attempt. Later Doe´s defenders were accused of eating the bodies of the mutineers.
-Reprisal killings were brutal. Gio and Mano tribesmen accused of supporting the coup attempt were rounded up by Krahn militias and excecuted. Tribal tensions begin to reach new highs.
Last five years of Doe´s rule:
-Liberian economy contracted by 3%.
-domestic investment shrunk by 16%.
-foreign debt skyrocketed to 1.3 billion dollars.
-Monrovia, the capital, became a world money laundering center.
Emerging Rebel Warlords.
Was born in 1948 to an Americo-Liberian family. Charles went on to study in the United States, jumping back and forth from his life in Africa to his life in the United States. More out of coincidence than for any other reason, Taylor was in Monrovia on the eve of Samuel Doe´s coup. Charles won himself a position in the new government as part of its Procurement Agency. Eventually Taylor would defraud the government of millions of dollars through his position in the PA. In 1983 he was arrested on embezzlement charges while on a trip to the United States. Then in 1985 Taylor ´escaped´ from prison and traveled on to West Africa where he spent the next few years building up support for the National Patriotic Front of Liberation (NPFL). Critical to this timeline are the many months he spent in Libya in various Libyan training camps, bolstering his relationship to Gaddafi who would provide training and logistic support. Eventually Taylor would also garner support from other regional leaders like Compaore from Burkina Faso and Boigny from the Ivory Coast.
Was born in the early 1930´s to a rural peasant family. Sankoh finished primary school and went on to work in the postal services for a short period before joining the army in 1956. For the general public the Sierra Leonean army is seen as a primarily repressive tool used by the state to put down indigenous uprisings. To make matters worse a constant underfunding of the military made it rife with corruption. Sankoh stayed in the army until 1971, when he claims to have participated in the rank and file coup that overthrew the NRC and installed the ACRC. Later in the same year Bangura failed in his coup attempt and Sankoh would subsequently be tried and convicted of knowing of plans for the coup and not reporting them. He was sentenced to 7 years in Pademba Prison. Upon his release from prison Sankoh moved to Bo, the country´s second largest city, and a traditionally SLPP region. In the early 1980´s Sankoh first came in contact with the radical student discussion group Pan African Union (Panafu). These meetings seemed to give amunition to Sankoh´s resentment of the APC. Coinciding with these developments, Colonel Gaddafi began to invest in the west African political economy through the Libyan People´s Bureaux in Ghana and Guinea. One student leader was particularly influenced by Gaddafi´s anti-western ideology, Alie Kabba would go on to lead large student protests against the APC. In an effort to quel the student uprisings Momoh used the SSD to brutally repress any dissent. As a result Kabba began to organize revolutionary training camps in the Libyan desert. Sankoh would eventually be recruited to participate in one of these camps. And it was in 1987, on the way to one of these camps, that Sankoh and Taylor would first meet. Then in 1988 they met again in Libya.
1989
Charles Taylor flew to Sierra Leone hoping to win Momoh´s support for an invasion of Liberia, using Sierra Leone as a rear base for the attack. Momoh promptly rejected the request and threw Taylor in prison. After bribing officials he was released and met up with Foday Sankoh, who would help him to recruit disaffected youths from Freetown´s streets for the NPFL.
1989 -Christmas Eve.
Charles Taylor invaded Liberia with his National Patriotic Front of Liberation (NPFL) entering the country from neighboring Ivory Coast. The original force was made up of nearly 100 men, among them Foday Sankoh.
NPFL.
NPFL forces are bolstered by foreign recruits and mercenary support but find overwhelming support from Gio and Mano tribesmen in Nimba County. Krahn violence created an army of ready warriors for Taylor and the NPFL. Eventually Taylor´s force would become notorious for its ethnocide and the kidnapping of children for its child army.
In one year of warfare it was estimated that nearly 700,000 people were forced from their homes. Momoh´s government estimated that it was spending nearly a million dollars a month on refugee assistance.
1990
NPFL forces took Buchanan just
-former NPFL soldier Prince Johnson led his own rebel advance (the Independent National Patriotic Front of Liberation- INPFL) on the capital.
-Doe refused to step down and give up the capital thus saving innocent civilians from the bloody invasión of NPFL troops.
-August. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) decided it must intervene in order to secure it´s own interests. Babangida, a Nigerian, led the ECO-monitoring group (ECOMOG) forces asserting Nigerian interests in the region. ECOMOG was notorious for its overt corruption and participation in the grand-scale looting that ravaged Liberia.
September, 9th.
Doe was ambushed by Prince Johnson forces as he attempted to meet with ECOMOG troops. In the subsequent hours to his capture, a video was made of Doe´s interrogation and torture by Johnson´s forces. The next day Doe´s body was found in the streets of Monrovia. ECOMOG troops were accused of selling Doe to Johnson.
-an interim government was hastily created by the United States and other international players. Amos Sawyer, a former political prisoner during Doe´s rule was installed by the US as president. However his control never went beyond the security ring established by ECOMOG forces, encircling Monrovia.
-Charles Taylor refused to recognize the interim government, deciding rather to create a shadow government based in Buchanan. NPFL troops continued to assualt Monrovia. However ECOMOG forces were able to hold their positions, maintaining control of the capital.
-Taylor´s shadow government in Buchanan came to be known as ´Greater Liberia´, and soon became home to a massive international black market economy where Taylor operated as the new country´s feudal lord. Firestone Tire and Rubber Company maintained its business relationship well into the existence of ´Greater Liberia´. Eventually Taylor shifted his attention to Sierra Leone which provided Lungi airport as a rear base for ECOMOG forces. Taylor was also interested in the diamond rich fields of the country. These diamond fields provided the economic lynchpin for a long term sustained conflict. The war quickly jumped the border. Even as it continued in both Liberia and Greater Liberia.
1991
Foday Sankoh gave Momoh 90 days to step down from power before he threatened that the RUF would invade.
-March 23, The RUF crossed the border in its first attack. Days later Momoh would downplay the RUF by blaming Taylor for the aggresions.
-end of 1991, Momoh went of the offensive by forcibly recruiting over 6,000 new soldiers, drawing heavily from a street criminal surplus.
-United Liberation Movement of Liberia (ULIMO) began to push the RUF back into Liberia. ULIMO was made up primarily of Liberian ex-military, loyal to Doe.
2 comentarios:
glad to hear your deep into africa safely. im excited about the new blog and will be sure to keep my eye on it. ill be here in maine until the 23rd. sorry i miss your calls but i love getting your messages. stay in touch and much love, me.
and.....
what?
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